Many rural households in the Mexican state of Oaxaca have prospered
over the past three decades through the sale of brightly painted,
whimsical wood carvings they call alebrijes to international tourists
and the owners of ethnic arts shops in the United States, Canada, and
Europe. What are called “alebrijes” in Oaxaca is a marriage of native
woodcarving traditions and influence from Pedro Linares’ work in Mexico
City.
Linares was originally from Oaxaca, and during family visits in Arrazola,
he demonstrated the designed he was making in Mexico City. The first to
copy the fantastic forms and bright colors was Manuel Jiménez, who
carved the figures in local copal wood rather than using paper. Animal
figures had always been carved in the central valleys area of Oaxaca by
the Zapotecs since the pre-Hispanic period. Totems of local animals were
carved for luck or religious purposes as well as hunting decoys. Figures
were also carved for children as toys, a tradition that continued well
into the 20th century. After the craft became popular in Arrazola, it
spread to Tilcajete and from there to a number of other communities, and
now the three main communities are , San Antonino Arrazola, San Martin
Tilcajete and La Union Tejalapam, each of which has developed its own
style. The carving of wood figures did not have a name, so the name
“alebrije” eventually became adopted for any carved, brightly colored
figure of copal wood, whether it is of a real animal or not. To make the
distinction, the carvings of fantastic creatures, closer to Linares’
alebrijes, are now sometimes called “marcianos” (lit. Martians) .
Oaxacan alebrijes have eclipsed the Mexico City version, with a large
number of stores in and around the city of Oaxaca selling the pieces,
and it is estimated that more than 150 families in the same area make a
living making the figures.
Woodcarving, along with other crafts in Oaxaca, grew in importance as
the state opened up to tourism. This started in the 1940s with the
Pan-American Highway and has continued to this day with the construction
of more roads, airports and other transportation coincided with the
rising prosperity of the U.S. and Canada making Mexico an affordable
exotic vacation. Oaxacan woodcarving began to be bought in the 1960s by
hippies. Prior to the 1980s, most of the woodcarvings were natural and
spiritual world of the communities, featuring farm animals, farmers,
angels and the like. These pieces, now referred to as "rustic" (nistico),
were carved and painted in a simple manner. Later known for their
alebrijes, carvers such as Manuel Jimenez of Arrazola, Isadoro Cruz of
Tilcajete and Martin Sandiego of La Union began by carving animals as
youths, often while doing other chores such as tending sheep. By the
1960s and 1970s, these carvers had enough of a reputation to sell their
work in the city of Oaxaca. As more dealers shipping to other parts of
Mexico and abroad visited the rural villages, more exotic animals such
as lions, elephants and the like were added, and eventually came to
dominate the trade. Eventually, traditional paints gave way to acrylics
as well. Another development that encouraged woodcarving were artisans’
contests held by the state of Oaxaca in the 1970s, which encouraged
carvers to try new ideas in order to win prizes and sell their pieces to
state museums.
In the 1970s and early 1980s, carvers in the three villages sold their
pieces mostly to store owners in Oaxaca, with only one carver, Manuel
Jimenez, carving full time. Most other carvers used the craft to
supplement incomes from farming and wage labor. It was also considered
to be a male occupation. In the mid 1980s, the influence of the Linares
alebrijes was becoming popular and wholesalers and store owners from the
United States, began to deal with artisans in Oaxaca directly. The
desire of the foreign merchants for non-indigenous animals and the newly
popular alebrijes had an impact on the market. By 1990, woodcarving had
begun to boom with most households in Arrazola and Tilcajete earning at
least part of their income from the craft. La Union was less successful
in attracting dealers and tourists. The boom had a dramatic economic
impact, shifting the economies of Arrazola and Tilcajete away from
farming and towards carving. It also affected the carvings that were
being produced. Carvings became more complicated and paintings more
ornate as families competed against each other. Specialization also
occurred with neophyte carvers looking for a niche to compete with
already established carvers. The craft continued to become established
in the 1990s as more families carved and more tourists came to Oaxaca
with the building of new roads. Some of these new Oaxacan crafters have
extended the design to smooth - abstract painted realistic animals,
especially the Mendoza family (Luis Pablo, David Pablo and Moises Pablo
a.k.a. Ariel Playas), creating a new generation of alebrijes.
While the sales trend has been mostly positive for Oaxacan alebrijes, it
is dependent on global market fluctuations and on tourism to Oaxaca.
There was a decline in sales in the late 1980s, possibly due to global
market saturation and the dominance of repetitive, unimaginative
designs. Sales rose again in the 1990s. Sales fell again in 2001, when
tourism from the U.S. fell and fell again precipitously 2006 due to
statewide social unrest. It has not fully recovered since.
The alebrije market is divided into two levels, the production of
unique, high-quality, labor intensive pieces and the production of
repetitive, average quality and inexpensive pieces. Those who have
produced exceptionally fine pieces have gained reputations as artists,
commanding high prices. Larger pieces are generally made only by the
better carving families. While pieces can be bought and ordered from the
artisans directly, most sell to middlemen who in turn sell them to
outlets in Mexico and abroad. The most successful carving families sell
almost exclusively to dealers and may have only a few pieces available
for the drop-in visitor. Within Mexico, Oaxacan alebrijes are often sold
in tourist locations such as Oaxaca city, La Paz, Cancún, Cozumel and
Puerto Escondido Most pieces sold internationally go to the United
States, Canada, Europe and Japan, where the most expensive pieces end up
in ethnic craft stores in urban areas, university towns and upscale
resorts. Cheaper pieces tend to be sold at trade shows and gift
shops. Tourists who buy pieces directly from carvers pay about
twice what wholesalers do. The price of each piece depends on the
quality, coloring, size, originality and sometimes the reputation of the
carver. The most expensive pieces are most often sent abroad. Pieces
sold retail in Oaxaca generally range from $1 to $200 USD. The most
commercialized figures are those of dogs, armadillos, iguanas, giraffes,
cats, elephants, zebras, deer, dolphins, sharks and fish. Animals are
often painted with bright colors and designs and carved with exaggerated
features that bear little resemblance to what occurs in the natural
world. Anthropomorphism is common and carvings of animals playing
musical instruments, golfing, fishing, and engaging in other human
pursuits are very popular. Fantastic creatures such as dragons and
chimeras and others are also carved, even carvings of Benito Juárez,
Subcomandante Marcos, chupacabras (imaginary beings that eat goats),
"Martians," mermaids, and helicopters. The diversity of the figures is
due to a segmented market both in Mexico and abroad which rewards
novelty and specialization. In a number of cases, carvings return to
images from Mexican culture such as angels, saints, and Virgins, which
will have somber faces even if they are painted in very bright colors.
Devils and skeletons are often parts of more festive scenes depicting
them, for example, riding dogs and drinking. Foreign customers demand
more creative figures with little repetition. Prices abroad range from
between three to five times the retail price in Oaxaca, with a median of
$100 USD, with lowest usually around $10 and highest around $2,000. One
of the most expensive pieces sold from a carving village occurred in
1995, when a doctor from Mexico City paid Isidro Cruz of Tilcajete the
equivalent of $3000 USD for a piece entitled “Carousel of the Americas.”
This piece took Cruz three months to complete. Typical household income
of families from Arrazola and Tilcajete averages about $2000USD per
year, but exceptional artists can earn up to $20,000 per year. Two
thousand a year is substantially more than average in Oaxaca and allows
families to build or expand housing and send children to secondary
school. However, most families carve as a sideline with agriculture
providing basic staples. In some towns, especially in Tilcajete, the
economy has shifted from agriculture to the making of wood carvings with
a number of families abandoning farming altogether. However, for most
households in Oaxaca, the success of alebrijes has not replaced the need
to farm or to alleviated the need to send family members to Mexico City
or to the United States and work and send remittances back home.
Despite Oaxaca’s reputation for the production of crafts by indigenous
peoples, alebrije makers are monolingual Spanish speakers who generally
do not identify themselves as a member of an indigenous group although
almost all have Zapotec ancestors. The alebrijes are considered to be
novelty items for the makers rather than expressions of a cultural
heritage. More traditional woodcarving, such as utensils, toys,
religious figures and the like are still made by older residents, but
these crafts are overshadowed by alebrijes. Approximately 150 families
now devote themselves at least part time to the making of alebrijes,
with carving techniques being passed down from generation to generation
and many children growing up around fantastic figures both finished and
in process.
Due to copies from other places, a certification scheme is being
considered to ensure the viability of crafts from this area. That would
include educating consumers and working with reputable stores.
The
Carving Process
The carving of a piece, which is done while the wood is still wet,
can last anywhere from hours to a month, depending on the size and
fineness of the piece. Often the copal wood that is used will influence
what is made, both because of the shapes the branches can take and
because male and female trees differ in hardness and shape. Carving is
done with non-mechanical hand tools such as machetes, chisels and
knives. The only time a more sophisticated tool is used is when a chain
saw is employed to cut off a branch or level a base for the proposed
figure. The basic shape of the creature is usually hacked using a
machete, then a series of smaller knives used as the final shape is
achieved. Certain details such as ears, tails and wings are usually made
from pieces separate from the one for the main body.
After the carving, the figure is then left to dry for up to ten months,
depending on its overall size and thickness. Semi tropical wood such as
copal is susceptible to insect infestations, and for this reason drying
pieces are often soaked in gasoline and sometimes baked to ensure that
all insect eggs have been destroyed. As the figure dries, it is also
susceptible to cracking. The cracks are filled with small pieces of
copal wood and a sawdust resin mixture before painting. Oaxaca
woodcarvings were all originally painted with aniline paints made with
natural ingredients such as bark of the copal tree, baking soda, lime
juice, pomegranate seeds, zinc, indigo, huitlacoche and cochineal. These
colorings were also used for dying clothing, ceremonial paints and other
uses. Since 1985, most carvers have now switched to acrylics which
resist fading and withstand repeated cleanings better. However, some
still use aniline paints as they have a more rustic look that some
customers prefer. Either way, the painting is generally done in two
layers, with a solid undercoat and a multicolored designed superimposed.
Originally, woodcarving was a solitary activity with all aspects done by
one person, usually a male. As sales soared in the 1980s, the work began
to be shared among family members. Women and children help mostly with
sanding and painting, leaving men to contribute less than half of the
work that goes into the figures. Despite this, pieces are still referred
to as the work of one person, usually the male carver. There are
exceptions to this. There are men who paint better than they carve and
in the community of San Pedro Taviche, women collect and carve wood
about as often as the men. In most cases, all the work on pieces is done
by family members. Families may hire other relatives or strangers if
faced with a large order. However, only the most established of carving
families can have any permanent outside help and a number of these
refuse to hire outsiders.
Copal Wood
Almost all alebrije carvers in Oaxaca use the wood of trees from the
Bursera (burseraceae) family, with a preference for Bursera glabrifolia,
which is locally called copal or copalillo. This tree is typically found
in dry tropical forests in Oaxaca and neighboring states. The exceptions
are Isidro Cruz of Tilcajete, who uses “zompantle” (Erythrina
coralloides) and the Manuel Jimenez family, which carves in tropical
cedar (Cedrella odorata L.) imported from Guatemala.
Originally, carvers obtained wood from the local forests on their own.
Copal trees are short and squat and do not yield much wood; every piece
is used. Despite this, the success of woodcarving caused an
unsustainable drain on local wild copal, and nearly all of the trees
near Tilcajete and Arrazola have disappeared. This localized depletion
soon gave rise to a copal wood market in Oaxaca, even though many of the
copal trees in other parts are of a different subspecies, which has more
knots. Obtaining wood is a complex exercise because negotiating with
other municipalities requires navigating complex social, legal and
economic norms, and in many cases, state and federal environmental
authorities have stepped in to try and preserve wild copal trees in a
number of areas. Some communities have simply refused to sell their
wood. These difficulties has led to a black market in copal wood,
with carvers purchasing most of their supplies from venders called “copaleros.”
Harvesting copalillo is not a complex task; trees are relatively small
and the wood is soft. Trees are felled using an axe or chainsaw.
Branches are cut with machetes. Most harvesting occurs on ejidal
(communal) lands. Legal or not, the purchase of copal wood from other
parts of Oaxaca is putting unsustainable pressure on wild populations in
a wider area, forcing copaleros to go further to obtain wood and often
to deal with angry locals and police who alternately seek bribes and
enforce the law. Eventually, this led to about only six copaleros which
control most of the wood being sold, and these supplies' being
unreliable. The federal government states that most of the figures are
made with illegally obtained wood.
Securing supplies of copal wood is a major concern for woodcarvers.
Despite the fact that the cost of the wood is not particularly high,
despite the effort, the main issue is reliability. Another issue for
carvers is quality. Artisans will pay more for their wood only if they
are sure they can pass the added cost onto their customers. A number of
attempts to grow the trees for woodcarving purpose have been undertaken.
Copal is a native tree species to the area, so it grows readily without
much care. It takes anywhere from five to ten years for a tree to grow
big enough to be harvested (branches or entire tree). Some of the
efforts include reforestation efforts sponsored by groups such as the
Rodolfo Morales Foundation in Ocotlan, and a number of families spend
time planting trees during the rainy season. Some have begun copal
plantations. However, current needs for the wood far outweigh what these
efforts have been able to produce.
Another effort involves a program designed to manage wild copal supplies
in a municipality called San Juan Baustista Jayacatlán. This arrangement
has economic advantages for both the alebrije-makers and the owners of
the forests where the wood is produced. It has not been developed
sufficiently yet to make an impact on the illegal harvest of wood, but
its organizers hope that in time, it will become the more economical and
preferred method. The difference between this program and others is that
this works within the broader ethnobotanical context by promoting the
management of the species within its native habitat. Jayacatlán is
located next to the recently established biosphere reserve of
Tehhuacán-Cuicatlán. The benefit to Jayacatlán is to give the
municipality a way to exploit its copal supplies and preserve its
biodiversity at the same time. The benefit to carvers is to promote a
reliable source of wood, as well as a trademark called “ecoalebrijes” to
help them sell more alebrijes at a higher price. However, the wood from
Jayacatlan is only sold to Arrazola and not to the other major center of
Tilcajete. The enthusiasm of Arrazola’s woodcarvers stems more from
having a supply of good wood than from notions of ecology.